Published March 19, 2012 | By Patricia Taft and Nate Haken

Since the Kony 2012 video about atrocities in Uganda went viral, there has been a backlash and counter-backlash over the campaign by Invisible Children to stop Joseph Kony and his rebels. Lost in the debate: the need to include the voices of Ugandans.

No doubt: The crimes of Joseph Kony are monstrous. And now, thanks to Invisible Children’s Kony 2012 campaign, millions more know about how he and his rag-tag forces destroyed communities and lives throughout northern Uganda and large swaths of East and Central Africa. The forcible conscription of children, the amputations, the sexual violence, and the pillaging of villages are Mr. Kony’s calling card. The predation began over 20 years ago. It continues to this day – though no longer in northern Uganda. It must be stopped.

Since the Kony 2012 internet video went viral, there has been a backlash and counter-backlash.

The backlash criticized Invisible Children for oversimplifying the issue. Certainly for those of us who have lived in Uganda and who have spent years working on these issues, it is difficult not to cringe at the missing nuance and the fast-and-loose treatment of history.

Published December 20, 2011 | By Amangeldi Djumanaliev and Tierney Anderson

In recent years, Uganda’s human rights record and anti-corruption initiatives have been applauded, though further implementation of these initiatives is needed. President Yoweri Museveni, in power since 1986, was re-elected to a fourth term in office in 2011 with an overwhelming victory. Opposition candidates staged public protests, including a “Walk-to-Work” campaign, protesting over the rising cost of food, fuel, and government corruption. Government security forces responded with overwhelming force, firing at unarmed civilians and using tear gas to arrest protesters. This heavy-handed response to the protests and subsequent rioting has been criticized domestically and internationally. Meanwhile, the government continues to struggle with both political instability and economic decline. The recent deployment of 100 American military advisors to Uganda could help defeat the Lord’s Resistance Army, finally ending the two decade long war in the North and allowing for the safe return of thousands of IDPs.

Published October 26, 2011 | By Patricia Taft and Nate Haken

Obama’s deployment of 100 American military advisers to Uganda could help defeat Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army. But things could also go horribly wrong. That's what happened before. Still, the factors that led to past failure can be clearly identified – and hopefully avoided.

If President Obama’s deployment of 100 American military advisers to Uganda helps defeat Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army in the ungoverned spaces of central Africa, it will be the fall of yet another 20th-century monster on Mr. Obama’s watch. But as similar initiatives have done for over 20 years, it could also go horribly wrong.

That’s what happened the last time the United States got involved in a campaign to get rid of Mr. Kony and the LRA – the failed 2008 “Operation Lightning Thunder.” But the fate of this next attempt isn’t sealed. The factors that led to the failure of Operation Lightening Thunder can be clearly identified, and should be carefully considered, particularly in regard to civilian protection.

Published October 4, 2011
By Nate Haken, Tierney Anderson, Julie Andrus, Erin Crandell
Publication CUUGR1125
Report available in PDF and Flash formats

In February, Ugandans reelected President Museveni to a fifth term in office by a landslide. A few weeks after the election, massive protests over the government’s management of the economy broke out in cities across the country and sometimes turned violent. Since then, the protests have subsided, but food prices remain high and segments of the population still feel politically disenfranchised. This context poses a challenge to continued progress for democracy and human rights in Uganda.

This report is a summary of incidents and issues from May to August 2011, with a special focus on pastoral conflict in Karamoja and land conflict in Acholi, as reported by a network of local civil society representatives who have been using FFP’s Conflict Assessment System Tool (CAST) since 2008. The project engages local civil society for better conflict assessment, early warning, and prevention.

July 15, 2011
By Nate Haken
The Fund for Peace Commentary

I have a map of Uganda on my office wall. I put little red stickers on it whenever there are incidents of land conflict, clashes between armed groups, or cases of civil unrest. My map is getting cluttered and difficult to read.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni was re-elected by a landslide in February. Now, he has a very difficult job ahead of him. Certainly, the aging military man has shown himself to be a strong leader ever since he came to power in 1987. Early in his tenure, he was widely praised for guiding Uganda through a period of difficult economic reform. Though it took almost 20 years, he finally pushed the Lord’s Resistance Army out of Northern Uganda. Under Museveni, Uganda has been a leader in the fight against AIDS. The same is true with respect to the fight against terrorism, especially in Somalia.

Publication CR-11-19-UL
Published June 30, 2011
By Nate Haken, Kendall Lawrence

Despite a relatively smooth election in February—not violent by historical standards—stability in Uganda appeared a little shaky during the period of January-April 2011. Although there were reports of some irregularities and the use of state funds to shore up the incumbency, overall the election itself was considered reasonably free, if less than fair. Opposition candidates refused to concede defeat. Then, after a failed attempt to inspire popular protest against the election results, the opposition successfully mobilized a massive campaign of protests in multiple cities against rising food and fuel prices. This was seen as a demonstration of popular discontent with the effectiveness of government. These protests went on for days and frequently became violent. Several people were shot dead and hundreds were reportedly arrested during these protests.

June 20, 2011
By Nate Haken
The Failed States Index

After having contracted by 0.5% in 2009, global GDP is now very much in recovery mode, with growth of around 5% in 2010. However, this does not mean smooth sailing either for developing or developed countries. In the last year there have been massive protests against governments’ economic stewardship in countries as disparate as Greece and Burkina Faso, illustrating the sobering truth that under certain conditions recovery can be even more destabilizing than recession.

In 2009, economies in the developed world took a nosedive, as debt crises spread like wildfire, hopping through the Eurozone from Iceland, to Ireland, to Greece, and Portugal. Looking ahead, people are now turning their concern toward Spain. All of these countries, whether or not they have been, or will be, bailed out to stabilize their economies, are facing the necessity of austerity measures to prevent such crises from repeating themselves in the future. These austerity measures are being imposed as economies are now deemed strong enough to withstand them. Nevertheless, they have sparked protests, which have sometimes turned violent. Meanwhile, the recovering global economy is contributing to rising food and fuel prices, which have sparked massive protests and military crackdowns in Mozambique, Uganda, and Burkina Faso.

June 20, 2011
By Joelle Burbank
The Failed States Index

This will be the year of the African election, with 27 countries scheduled to choose their presidential, legislative or local leadership at the polls. Elections can be tumultuous times, particularly in conflict-affected countries, as demonstrated in recent years in Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya, Zimbabwe, and elsewhere. Given the challenges inherent in democratization, this year’s elections in Africa are being watched very closely. Here is a glimpse at a few of the African countries that have recently held, or are planning to hold, presidential elections this year and how they fared on the Failed States Index.

Publication CR-11-08-UL
Report available in PDF and Flash formats

The period of August—December 2010 was a very political season in Uganda, with the NRM (National Resistance Movement) primaries in August, the nomination of presidential candidates in October, followed by the beginning of the campaigns for the February 2011 elections. Thus, as could be expected, there was a sharp increase in reports coming from the UNLocK participants relating to political factors. Whereas in the previous five months there were relatively few reports relating to state legitimacy, this issue, particularly incidents of corruption and election irregularities, were reported frequently by participants from August to December. There were fears expressed about the potential for election violence, especially considering the 2009 and 2010 riots in Kampala, which some felt could be reignited in the heat of the contest. However, although there were a few reports of violence and intimidation, this was less of an issue in the run-up to the election than many had anticipated, especially as compared with previous Ugandan elections.

February 17, 2011
By Kenneth C. Brill and Nate Haken
The Fund for Peace Commentary

Elections are intended as a renewal of the social contract between the people and their government. But they can also violate that contract. In Africa, the 2011 election calendar is packed, adding to the hopes and fears of people across the content. So while the international spotlight is currently focused on the drama playing out in Egypt, a larger drama may be about to unfold elsewhere on the continent.

This is the year of the African election, with national-level elections scheduled in sixteen countries between January and December. Apart from Egypt, Central African Republic, Nigeria, Liberia, Djibouti, Benin, Niger, Madagascar, Chad, Cape Verde, Gambia, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Uganda all have national level elections this year. Some may be contested with force, not just ballots; others will be peaceful and possibly transformative. While democracy requires much more than a single election, good elections support democracy, development and security. Bad elections, including those whose results are overturned, can destabilize entire regions.